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Written by Rabbi Meir Kahane
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The next day, Arabs from Bet Tzefafa, Tzur Bahir, and other villages
overran, looted, and burned to the ground the settlement of Ramat Rahel
on the southern border of Jerusalem. Never had there been such a
lengthy and widespread pogrom in Jerusalem. Coexistence was not
working, despite the absence of a "legitimate grievance" known as "the
occupied territories."
Just outside Jerusalem, astride the road to Tel Aviv, sat the small
Jewish settlement of Motza. For decades its residents thought that they
had enjoyed the best of relationships with the neighboring Arab village
of Kolonia. On Saturday night, August 24, as the Jews of Jerusalem were
being buried, thirty villagers from Kolonia, longtime acquaintances,
"visited" the home of the Maklaf family (the house was the last one in
the settlement). They slaughtered everyone, including
eighty-five-year-old Rabbi Zalman Shach, a guest for the Sabbath. The
women were first raped and then murdered, and the house was burned down.
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Written by Rabbi Meir Kahane
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For years the British had claimed that they would keep the "status quo"
for religious sites in Jerusalem. The Wall had no standing as a Muslim
religious site at all, but the Muslims did not wish to see it granted
Jewish religious status. The British viewed the partition between the
sexes at the Yom Kippur services as an attempt to convert the Wall into
a "synagogue."
The incident gave birth to Jewish indignation and to an Arab myth. The
Mufti of Jerusalem at the time, the supreme Muslim leader, carved a
historic niche for himself as a treacherous and murderous individual
(he later spent the years of World War II in Berlin calling upon
Muslims to join in a holy war on behalf of Adolf Hitler). His name was
Haj Amin Al-Husseini (a member of a Jerusalem family of "notables"),
and in 1929, in his position as a Muslim theologian, he decreed that
the Wall was in reality a Muslim holy place. The reason? When Muhammad
allegedly went up to heaven from Jerusalem on his wondrous horse,
Al-Burak, he chose a spot near the Wall to tether it. This wondrous
tale of a wondrous horse had, of course, not prevented Muslims, for
centuries, from wondrously riding through the area on horses and
donkeys who left their unmistakably wondrous presence behind, on the
ground. But no matter. A political-religious legend was born, and for
almost a year the Arabs incited, lied, and heated the atmosphere that
led to the deadly pogroms of 1929.
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Written by Rabbi Meir Kahane
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Their spirits broken, most of the Jews attempted to flee. The males who
were not fortunate enough to escape were brutally murdered. Several
women pleaded with a policeman to save them. He took them into an
alley, stripped them of their valuables, and tried to rape one of them.
When silence descended on the building, thirteen were dead and
twenty-six wounded, and for the rest of the day, Arabs looted Jewish
stores and houses. Except for the language, the clothing, and the palm
trees, it might very well have been Kishinev.
In the early-morning hours of May 2, six Jewish bodies were found in
the Abu Kabir section between Jaffa and Tel Aviv. They included the
famous writer Y. C. Brenner, and the news horrified the Jewish
community. The six had been beaten to death, their bodies stripped and
mutilated.
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Written by Rabbi Meir Kahane
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There was never anything but bitter Arab hostility, resentment, and
hatred of the Jewish stranger who wanted "his" -- the Arab's -- land.
Nothing the Zionist did contributed to this hate, except one thing: he
existed.
In 1921, in 1929, and in 1936-38 there were no Jewish "occupation"
troops patrolling "the West Bank." There was no such thing as "occupied
Arab lands of 1967." All the reasons for bloodshed, violence, war, and
hatred that today's Arabs and confused Jews point to as being at "the
heart" of the Arab-Jewish problem did not exist then. Hebron and
Shechem and Tulkarm and Ramallah and Bethlehem and Jericho were not
under Jewish military occupation, and there was no need for world
organizations and national governments to issue resolutions calling for
withdrawal from and return of the "occupied territories to their
rightful owners." In fact, there was not even a Jewish state in
existence, and by all logic the "Palestinians" should have coexisted
peacefully and in friendship with the Jews.
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Written by Rabbi Meir Kahane
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Poetry is the marching tune of national rebellion. Israeli Arabs honor
their poets especially when they write of the destruction of the
Zionist state. In February 1977 the PLO's press attache at the UN,
Rashed Hussein, died in a New York City hotel fire. He had been born in
the Israeli Arab village of Musmus, and on February 8 the Israeli
government allowed his body to be buried there. Thousands of Arab
citizens of Israel streamed through a muddy, winding path to hear Arab
Knesset member Tewfik Zayad declare: "We shall never give in until the
goal that Rashed Hussein and his friends [sic] advocated, fought for,
and struggled for is fulfilled."
Hussein's "friends" are the PLO. We all know what they have "advocated,
fought for, and struggled for." When an Israeli Arab, a Knesset member
(and mayor of Nazareth), pledges to see that these are "fulfilled,"
what does that say about the Arabs of Israel?
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Written by Rabbi Meir Kahane
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11. And from Eliyahu Amikam, columnist for Yediot Aharonot
(July 12, 1974): "Ziad J'bali, commander of the band of murderers that
carried out the operation in Ma'alot [where more than twenty
schoolchildren were killed], was born in Tayba, Israel. Ahmed Abad
Alal, the 'hero' of the Nahariya murders, spent the 23 years of his
life in Acre, where he was born. ... 200 Israeli Arabs recently left
the country. The papers wrote that 'apparently' they will join the
terrorist groups. Two Hebrew U. graduates, attorney Sabry Jareis and
Jazi Daniel, are now numbered among the ideologicians of the 'Palestine
Liberation Movement.'"
A random sample; there are many more. Of course, the professional
apologists will point out how many Arabs did not participate in
anti-state activities. The Nazis might have also "proved" the "loyalty"
of Belgians, Frenchmen, and Dutchmen by the low number of active
underground people in these countries. Of course, few people have the
courage to participate in dangerous activities. The question is: How
many Arabs privately sympathize with and support the minority? The
answer is: Many, very many.
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